Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz's inaugural address at the opening of the Adenauer School of Government

Dear Rector of the University of Cologne, 

Mr Mayor, 

Minister, 

Distinguished Professors, 

Dear students of the University of Cologne, 

Ladies and gentlemen, 

Thank you very much for the warm welcome you have given me this morning on the occasion of the inauguration of this new faculty and institute at your university. 

It is a great pleasure to join you today and to address you on this special occasion. Unlike Konrad Adenauer, who spoke for an hour and a half in his famous address to the University of Cologne exactly eighty years ago, I shall keep my remarks considerably shorter. Whether that comes as a relief or a disappointment is for you to decide. It’s not like there is any less to say today than there was in 1946. Quite the contrary. I hope we will have the opportunity to continue our conversation afterwards in an open exchange. The challenges facing Germany, Europe and our societies today are once again profound, far-reaching and numerous — comparable in many respects to those encountered at the founding of the Federal Republic. 

We are all witnessing geopolitical and geoeconomic shifts that, until recently, many would have considered unimaginable. We are experiencing extraordinary technological advances. Professor Ockenfels has already referred to artificial intelligence — a development whose full implications and transformative potential we are still only beginning to grasp. At the same time, we are confronted with climate change and with profound demographic change across our societies. 

Allow me, for just a moment, to borrow the sense of solemn purpose that marked the early years of the Federal Republic. We once again stand at a historic turning point — for Germany, and for Europe as a community founded on freedom.

The decisions we take today will be far more consequential than those made during periods of relative historical stability. Whether those consequences prove beneficial or harmful depends on the choices we make now. Good governance matters as it will determine if at all — and how — we manage to develop political solutions on the basis of democratic processes that are fair, effective, efficient and courageous; and if we succeed in translating those solutions into action. It requires a compelling vision — a clear idea of the direction in which we want our society to develop. But vision alone is not enough. We also need strategic foresight. We need the ability to think in scenarios, to weigh complex developments carefully, and to make forward-looking decisions on that basis. Only then can we help shape — with confidence rather than merely react to — the profound reordering of the world that is currently under way. 

If I may put it this way, Germany has not exercised this strategic muscle nearly enough over recent decades. For a long time, it seemed we did not need to. We lived through what became known as the "peace dividend", in a world largely governed by shared rules and open markets to which most countries remained committed. Unlike some of our European neighbours — notably France and the United Kingdom— we never developed a deeply rooted strategic culture in matters of security. Nor have we cultivated a longstanding tradition of major schools of strategic thought, be it in the civilian or the military sphere. The same has been true, with only a few recent exceptions, of institutions dedicated to the study and practice of public governance. That is precisely why the creation of the Adenauer School of Government comes at such an important juncture. 

It is time for Germany to catch up. It is time to think more strategically and to educate a new generation of decision-makers capable of exercising sound judgement in a world that is becoming ever more complex and ever faster-moving. 

To be sure, recognising complexity is nothing new. Nor is the observation that the pace of change is accelerating. Modern societies are, by their very nature, complex, highly interconnected and constantly shaped by technological disruption. What is new — at least by the standards of the past three decades — is the growing complexity of international power politics. And what is equally new is that, whether we like it or not, our decisions have once again become part of a broader contest between competing political and economic systems. 

We therefore have to demonstrate — both to ourselves and to the world — that free and open societies remain capable of meeting these challenges. We must once again prove that a society founded in and for freedom — a society we call a liberal democracy — can be secure, resilient, capable of learning, innovative and fair across generations; that it can create prosperity, foster social cohesion, and uphold its values, both at home and abroad. 

Following the Cold War, the superiority of the idea of a liberal democracy was widely regarded as having been confirmed by history. Today, that confidence is increasingly being called into question. Instead of speaking — as Francis Fukuyama famously did— of the "end of history", some now predict a century of autocracies. We are all familiar with the sometimes almost anxious references to China. 

Whether such predictions become reality depends to a very large extent on the decisions we make over the coming years. I remain deeply optimistic. If I were not, I would not be standing here before you today. I am convinced that together we are capable of making the right choices — choices that will strengthen our societies and prepare them for the future. But this requires us never to lose sight of the normative compass that must guide good governance: the protection of freedom and peace in Germany and across Europe. 

For many decades, we have described this constitutional order as liberal democracy. In this understanding, good governance is inseparable from democratic principles. It is grounded in accountability, transparency, participation, a commitment to the common good, and the continuous search for consensus through compromise. 

I emphasise this because voices are growing louder — including here in Germany —that fundamentally question the capacity of democracy itself to solve problems and govern effectively. I am not referring here to legitimate criticism of bureaucratic inefficiency, slow decision-making or excessive regulation — whether at the national or the European level. I am referring to voices that see democratic deliberation as an impediment rather than a strength; that present efficiency and democracy as incompatible; that glorify strongman rule — or advance a conception of democracy based on the fiction of a single, homogeneous popular will, even though a liberal democracy, by definition, cannot produce such a unified will. These are voices that increasingly ask whether democratic deliberation and negotiation are worth the effort at all. 

Yes, these processes of negotiation are demanding; they require effort in our daily lives. But the most convincing answer to those who question democracy is not a theoretical one. It is a practical one. The strongest defence of liberal democracy lies in its ability to deliver forward-looking political decisions. 

That is precisely what we are seeking to achieve in the Federal Government. It is what we are pursuing together with Germany's federal states. And it is what we are working on — out of deep conviction —together with our European partners. Indeed, I believe we have demonstrated in recent weeks that the democratic centre remains fully capable of reaching ambitious, far-reaching and effective decisions. 

And yet, there are moments when democracies must also reaffirm their own foundations. No one understood this better than Konrad Adenauer. Allow me therefore to make a broader point. Negotiation, the balancing of interests, the search for compromise — these are not imperfections of freedom. They are, in fact, the essence of freedom in practice, the very expression of a free society. Our democracy derives its legitimacy not primarily from the outcomes it produces, but from the way in which decisions are reached. Why? Because we believe that free citizens have the right to shape their own future. They must never become mere objects of state action. 

Or, as Konrad Adenauer put it in his address to this university that I mentioned earlier: 

"Anyone who truly believes in democracy must respect others — their sincere intentions and their genuine aspirations." 

This remains one of the defining principles of our constitutional order. Ladies and gentlemen, simply because one side is in government and the other is in opposition doesn't mean one is right and the other is wrong. In fact, the reverse may very well be the case.

That is precisely why democratic parliamentary systems are built around debate, disagreement and the contest of ideas. This is the normative core of our democracy. It is part of the constitutional DNA of the Federal Republic of Germany. 

At the same time, we believe that democratic government ultimately produces better decisions precisely because they have been tested before against competing ideas. Better outcomes in two respects: fairer, because they strengthen social cohesion; and more creative and more innovative, because they emerge from an open contest of ideas and from a system that has institutionalised the ability to correct itself. 

These are among the greatest strengths of our democratic system. But strengths only matter if they are put to use. Today is the moment to demonstrate our capacity for self-correction. Today is the moment to demonstrate our ability to solve problems in a sustainable way. For the Federal Government, that is precisely how we understand our responsibility. 

The state, of course, cannot meet these challenges on its own. But it has a central role to play: by modernising public administration, reforming our social security systems in light of demographic change, accelerating digital transformation across government, renewing our infrastructure — especially our critical infrastructure — and strengthening the capabilities of our armed forces. 

Across each of these areas, there has long been a need for strategic course correction and for new solutions. This is precisely why the Federal Government has spent the past year developing, launching and, in many cases, already implementing a broad programme of reforms. What we are doing, quite deliberately, is renewing key foundations of the Federal Republic. 

We are strengthening the institutions that will safeguard the freedom and opportunities of those who are growing up today and of future generations. We are creating the conditions for our economy to regain its innovative strength. And we are ensuring that Germany can continue to fulfil its responsibility for peace and freedom in Europe. 

This process of reform is far from complete. Indeed, I would argue that it can never truly be complete. Democratic government is an ongoing task of learning, adapting and improving. That is precisely why institutions such as the Adenauer School of Government matter so much. This will be a place where future leaders reflect not only on the substance of public policy, but also on the quality of political decision-making itself. Our democratic practice — not only in government, but across public administration, civil society and every part of our institutional landscape — will become stronger when we create spaces dedicated to reflecting on how political decisions are made and how they can be improved. 

Right here is where such a place is being created. Right here is where such an institution is taking shape. Here, a school is being established to educate the future decision-makers of the democratic state of the Federal Republic of Germany — to cultivate strategic judgement. 

So I urge you to reflect on the fundamental questions as well: How can we better reconcile democratic processes and procedures with efficiency? And where are the opportunities for developing a broadly shared understanding of the challenges our society faces? 

These are not questions for which theory alone can provide definitive answers. They must ultimately be answered through the practice of governing itself. Allow me to illustrate this with two examples from the work of the Federal Government — examples that, I believe, show what good governance can look like in practice. 

The first is our pension reform. The process attracted considerable criticism — not so much the actual outcomes and substance of the reform, but the way it was being achieved. As you know, it is a comprehensive package that emerged from the work of an expert commission. The Federal Minister of Labour described it as a Gesamtkunstwerk — an integrated reform designed as a coherent whole. That commission proved essential to the success of the process. It brought together the best available expertise, created the conditions for candid and constructive discussion, and enabled participants to develop a comprehensive proposal away from the pressures of day-to-day political debate. In other words, careful preparation strengthened both the quality of the outcome and the democratic legitimacy of the process itself. 

A second example is the establishment, at the very beginning of this legislative term, of the National Security Council within the Federal Chancellery. Its purpose is straightforward. We must improve coordination across all those institutions responsible for the security of our country — in the broadest sense of the word. The National Security Council provides precisely that framework. It serves as the Federal Government's central strategic forum for decision-making and coordination, working closely with the Bundesländer, emergency services and, where necessary, local authorities. This institutional architecture enables us to anticipate risks more effectively, coordinate more closely and respond to crises far more rapidly than it was previously possible. 

What is perhaps most remarkable is that Germany debated the creation of such a body for more than thirty years. This Federal Government established it within just a few months. 

For the federal government I lead, my expectation is that we will address the other challenges before us with the same determination, meeting them with both courage and prudence. For—and I repeat—we are indeed living through historic times of profound change. 

Allow me, in this spirit, to conclude with another quotation from Konrad Adenauer — words that resonate with particular force today. They come from his Government Declaration of 1954: 

"Let us all — and I address these words far beyond this hall to all people of goodwill throughout free Europe — remain fully conscious of the gravity of our times and prove capable of meeting their demands, so that future generations may never judge us to have been weak or complacent." 

Those future generations Adenauer referred to are we, today. All of us together —those with many years of experience and those just at the beginning of their journey. We have inherited an extraordinary legacy. Rarely in history have people enjoyed such a sustained period of freedom, peace and security as the one that has shaped the Federal Republic and a united Europe. It is now our common responsibility to preserve and strengthen that inheritance. 

Let us not carelessly put at risk what generations before us built with such determination: this remarkable country, and above all, a united Europe founded on freedom, democracy and the rule of law. 

Achieving this requires the seriousness the moment demands. But it also demands confidence and, yes, enthusiasm to shape our political future and the future of our society. We need to take pride in the freedom we enjoy. We need you—the students. We need initiatives and institutions like this one, spaces for dialogue where outstanding minds from many different disciplines come together. We need committed business leaders, committed political leaders, and above all committed citizens—in our cities, our municipalities, our states, at the federal level, in our political parties, and across our society. 

The good news is this: Germany already has these people. We are a remarkable country. We can be proud of what we have achieved. But none of it happened by chance. As the life and work of Konrad Adenauer remind us, the Germany we know today — its stability, its prosperity and its freedoms — is the result of countless wise decisions and the shared efforts of many generations. 

If we continue along that path — guided by responsibility, courage and confidence — then our best years are not behind us. Our best years still lie ahead. 

Before I close, allow me to express my heartfelt thanks to the Alfred Landecker Foundation, and in particular to Peter Harf. Thank you for the extraordinary commitment that has made the Adenauer School of Government possible.